From Wikipedia
Recorded music is a reflection of modern Indonesian history and culture—specifically class consciousness, economics and post-colonial identity. Since the early 1970s, the production, marketing and distribution of recorded media, particularly popular music
cassettes and
VCDs, in Indonesia have evolved in tandem with the archipelago's ongoing integration of tradition and modernity.
History
The roots of Indonesia's history of recorded music practices can be traced to the emergence of nationalism in the early 20th century and the eventual independence of Indonesia from the
Dutch in the 1940s. The struggle for a national identity rooted in a synthesis of Eastern and Western perspectives extended into the realm of music, with nationalists suggesting that Indonesia's national music be a form of indigenized Western music, such as
kroncong.[1] This sentiment led to the establishment of state-sponsored conservatories and academies of music in both
Java and
Bali during the 1950s and 1960s, with similar schools established in
Sumatra and
Sulawesi during the 1970s. In this roughly twenty year period, the Indonesian government also institutionalized the recording of both traditional and popular music throughout the archipelago with its support of
P.N. Lokananta, the national recording company of Indonesia, a branch of the government's Department of Information since the late 1950s.
[2]"Although scholars have detected a gradual narrowing in the geographic and genre purview of Lokananta's recording and marketing strategies, considering this to be at odds with its status and purpose as a national recording company,
[3] the introduction of
audiocassette recording technology in the 1960s gave rise to a robust industry of recorded music.
[4] In the 1970s, oil wealth and the relatively unrestricted import of cheap
tape and
recorders led to an extraordinary boom of the Indonesian
cassette industry.
[5]
Central to the ongoing evolution of Indonesian popular music styles was an inherent tension between dueling aesthetics:
gedongan ("refined", "international") and
kampungan ("vulgar," "low class," "backward"). During the 1970s, the most prominent supporter of the gedongan style was Guruh Sukarno (born 1953), son of the first
president of Indonesia and a musician since his early teens. Long a student of classical
Javanese and Sundanese music while at the same time familiar with Western
jazz and classics, Guruh set out in 1974 to elevate existing Indonesian-Western pop music and create a kind of neoclassic, syncretic style that would be at once Indonesian and international.
[6] Contrasting in many ways with
Rhoma Irama and the many other
dangdut singers popular during the 1970s, Guruh Sukarno was a member of the elite class and saw Indonesia's culture as pluralistic and inescapably mixed with influences from the West.
[7] Nevertheless, the 1970s also witnessed a gap between the rich and poor classes. Awareness of this gap, and sensitivity to the condition of the lower classes were central to the popularity of
dangdut and the many genres it influenced.
[8]
Between the 1970s and 1990s, recorded Indonesian popular music grew to include, like most
popular music elsewhere in the world, the use of at least some Western instruments and Western harmony. It was increasingly disseminated through the mass media, performed by recognized stars, and became essentially a "commercial" genre.
[9] In the process of
reformation (
Reformasi) that was put into motion with the resignation of president
Suharto and the fall of his
New Order regime in 1998, popular music became a common vehicle of protest, and many songs,
cassettes and genres were labeled with the adjective
reformasi..
[10]
Popular Music Recordings in Indonesia Today
Overview
Nearly all of the music sold in
Indonesia today is in the form of pre-recorded
cassettes, but music is also available on
compact disc,
video compact disc (VCD). and
laser disc (LD). The latter two formats contain images as well as sounds, and are mainly used to accompany
karaoke performance.
[11] While the traditional, court-derived styles of
gamelan and
wayang kulit have been frequently recorded, sales of popular music in Indonesia have increased dramatically with the emergence of the
cassette tape. Centered in
Jakarta, Indonesia's music industry defines popular music as either "national" or "regional." National genres, including
Pop sunda,
kroncong,
dangdut,
qasidah modern,
rock,
rap, country, jazz, disco, house and Hawaiian, generally feature lyrics in Indonesian (though sometimes in English) and are marketed mainly in the urban regions throughout the archipelago, both as audio cassettes and compact discs. Sales trends, both regionally and nationally, are shifting towards popular music, which, in contrast to the field recordings of regional styles, is almost entirely a product of
recording studios.
[12] In financial terms, the present day music industry in Indonesia is small by world standards, but it is the largest in
Southeast Asia.
[13] Although
cassette tapes are still sold in large quantities, since 1997 these have been replaced more and more by
VCDs.
Audio CDs have never been big sellers, as their price is relatively high.
[14]
| Table 1: Average prices of popular music in different recorded formats, 2001-2002[15] |
| Legal cassette tape of popular music | Rp.10,000 – 15,000 |
| Legal VCD | Rp.16,000 – 40,000 |
| Legal audio-CD | Rp.30,000 – 50,000 |
| Pirated Indonesian/Malaysian VCDs | Rp.6,000 – 10,000 |
Cassettes
Indonesia is said to have the largest
cassette industry in the world. Given the country's cultural and ethnic diversity, the recording industry, and the cassette industry in particular, has displayed great complexity in its structure and in how it serves the many ethnically distinct regions of the country.
[16] While the
CD and the advent of digital technology has affected the production, dissemination and consumption of Indonesian popular music, cassette tapes remain the preferred source of recorded popular music for most Indonesians. The continued viability of the cassette medium in Indonesia springs from the fact that an audio cassette and the technology required to play it—-a simple
cassette player/recorder—-are within the financial means of most Indonesians, including the peasant class.
[17] As
cassettes and
cassette players have penetrated the remotest villages in Indonesia, they have also become part of the vernacular. For example, in addition to the older word
ngrekam ("to record"), contemporary
Javanese now includes words for the process of recording onto a
commercial cassette: "Gendhing kuwi wis dikasetkz" ("That piece has already been recorded on commercial cassette.").
[18] Much of what is available can be classified as "popular" music," including
pop Berat (Western pop) and
pop Indonesia (Indonesian pop).
[19] Also in abundance is
pop Daerah, or regional pop, which is found all across Indonesia. Virtually all genres of pop Daerah are dependent on the
cassette medium for their audience. Some Pop Daerah genres are little more than cassette-company experiments, generating only a few performers and a handful of tapes, but others are firmly established, with many performers and steady production. Four genres—-
Pop Batak, Pop Minang, Pop Sunda, and
Pop Jawa—-are especially solid. In the case of these four, some of the production comes out of
Jakarta, relying upon Jakarta-based musicians and Jakarta facilities for recording, printing and distribution. However, most of the other regional genres are produced in their home regions (or in the nearby big cities).
[20] As a result, the
cassette industry is national, regional, and local in character. The broad marketing of
cassettes has not led to a musical homogenization or a weakening of regional styles. Rather, local
cassette industries have promoted regional styles because, rather than being large national corporations, they are regional "backyard" enterprises that record, dub, and market local music primarily for local consumption.
[21] Commercial cassettes have also shaped the reputations of popular music performers, significantly raising the prestige and earning power of some recording artists while lowering them for others. Scholars have noted a trend towards the equalization of status for genres and marginal traditions through the distribution of
cassettes; the
cassette industry is said to act as a leveler, blurring the older status distinctions that were still in place a generation ago.
[22]
Video Compact Discs (VCDs)
Despite their ubiquity, the popularity of
audio cassettes has been compromised somewhat by competition from the rapidly growing
video compact disc (VCD) medium.
[23] Since the resignation of
Suharto in 1998, VCDs, which are cheaper than
audio CDs, have gradually been taking over the role of audio cassettes,
[24] and as of 2002 the VCD medium was considered more important than the
World Wide Web to Indonesian consumers.
[25] Particularly notable about the VCD is its ability to combine sound and image through the digital medium. Like other emerging technologies, VCD players have proven to be outlets, especially for Indonesian youth, for expressing a desire for modernity and cosmopolitanism at the same time.
[26] Featuring modern, Western-style
music videos that appear on
MTV or
VH1, professionally-produced VCDs also claim their contents to be
karaoke music, in which one can turn off the audio-channel with the sound of the vocalist, and just hear the accompaniment and see the images and text.
[27] As a source of participatory music making for the consumer, then, the VCD provides an opportunity for Indonesian consumers to interact directly with the body of popular music produced nationally.
On VCDs of
pop Indonesia-—national, Western-style music with lyrics sung in Indonesian—the images are mainly urban: street life, cars, houses and other possessions are often featured prominently. Because VCDs are big business, erotic images are important on almost all of them, as are lyrics about love and romance. Images on
pop Daerah (regional pop) music VCDs seem to be more restrained than on the national ones. Also, on the regional pop music
VCDs the erotic images tend to be produced mainly by actors other than the singers (who "just sing"), whereas on the
pop Indonesia VCDs, the singers tend to be more actively involved in producing them. Unfortunately, today the
VCD format is associated with piracy,
pornography and political violence. Nevertheless, all
VCDs have to pass the censor before being released, which is how the government controls both image and text.
[28] Beyond its social implications, the popular music industry in Indonesia makes use of a new type of oral tradition made possible by the
VCD.
[29] By displaying song texts on screen and mentioning the songs' composers, legal VCDs serve as audiovisual "texts" for both national and regional pop music in Indonesia.
[30]
Retail outlets
Historically in Indonesia popular music has been sold to consumers through small retail outlets whose merchandise mainly consists of
cassettes and
VCDs. Although music-related
e-commerce is a small sector in the country and mainly focuses on selling to customers outside Indonesia, it is more likely to contribute to the internationalization of what used to be national or regional Indonesian popular music.
[31] Unlike retailers,
e-commerce does not shape or reflect the consumption of
Indonesian music by Indonesians. Like many institutions in Indonesia, popular music retail outlets are stratified by social class and generally calculate their sales activities based on the needs and interests of their intended audience.
[edit] Cassette stalls
Cassette stalls (
warung kaset) typically are found in open-air markets in the poorer
kampong (neighborhoods) of large Indonesian cities. They generally offer very few Western
cassettes for sale (and no
compact discs of any sort), but feature a wide variety of
dangdut cassettes.
Warung kaset distinguish themselves sonically from the other stalls in a traditional market by the loud recorded music they broadcast to passersby. The type of music played depends on the sales clerk, though sentimental pop ballads, often in English, are a frequent choice.
[32]
Cassette stalls offer a unique music buying experience in that most hold to a "try before you buy" policy. This allows a customer the option of trying out a recording on the stall's
sound system before purchase, to test it for defects and to determine if he or she likes the music.
[33] This policy has had a democratizing effect on the sale of
cassettes and indirectly exposes consumers to various local, regional and national styles.
Mall stores
Like malls in the United States or Europe, nearly all Indonesian malls feature at least one store selling recorded music. While all
record shops in Indonesia sell some Indonesian recordings, music boutiques in upscale malls tend to carry mostly Western music. Mall music stores market themselves as portals to the global music culture. In fact, a recent study of product placement in mall-based record stores found that as little as 10 percent of available shelf space in a typical store is devoted to
Indonesian music of any genre.
[34] Catering to customers from higher socioeconomic levels than those found among
wareng kaset clientele, mall stores reflect the
gedongan aspirations of middle- and upper-class consumers who see in music buying—-and, in particular, the purchase of
CDs--an opportunity to participate in the economy of popular culture across national boundaries.
Mobile cassette vendors
Mobile
cassette vendors make their way through city streets pushing wooden carts outfitted with
car stereo systems. The
cassettes offered for sale, normally legitimate (not pirated) copies, are intended to appeal to the servants and
warung proprietors of a neighborhood, not its more affluent residents. The selection of recordings is typically dominated by
dangdut and regional pop music.
[35] Since Western music is normally not offered in large quantities by mobile cassette vendors, these merchants are said to circumvent
Jakarta's prestige hierarchies by specifically targeting rural migrants as opposed to city people.
[36]
| Table 2: Recorded Music Sales Data for Indonesia (units sold), 1996-1999*[37] |
| Type | 1996 | 1997 | 1998 | 1999 (Oct.) |
| Indonesian Cassettes | 65,396,589 | 49,794,676 | 27,635,739 | 30,100,077 |
| Foreign Cassettes | 11,374,089 | 14,005,340 | 9,637,200 | 11,395,590 |
| Indonesian CDs | 265,475 | 778,370 | 315,910 | 532,900 |
| Karaoke VCDs | 19,500 | 701,870 | 1,335,390 | 4,196,590 |
| Karaoke Laser Disc (LD) | 21,375 | 21,975 | 2,205 | 1,050 |
| Total | 77,552,008 | 67,356,071 | 41,658,674 | 48,312,497 |
- Legal (non-pirated) units only. Adapted from K.S. Theodore, "Industri Music Indonesia di Ujung Abad Ke 20," Buletin ASIRI 5 (1999): 10-11.
Additional factors
Technology
Driving the development of Indonesia's popular music recording industry is the ongoing adoption and use of sound technologies, particularly from the industrialized nations of the West. Electronic sound technology in Indonesia is relatively new, and it is largely imported. Though much in evidence throughout Indonesia, it is in some ways treated as something foreign, strange, and "outside the system."
[38] While
Internet technologies have come somewhat late to Indonesia, enterprising technophiles have devised ways to create and distribute Indonesian popular music in digital form. Some years ago, many popular Indonesian tunes were distributed through the
Internet in
MIDI format, which allowed only instrumental versions of the songs to be transmitted.
[39] Another way that the problem of a lack of
bandwidth and other technical facilities in Indonesia has been addressed is entirely illegal and more local in approach. This is the distribution of so-called "CDs in mp3 format." Since 1997, these "data CDs" are sold in the larger shopping malls in Jakarta and other big cities. Fifteen or more popular music albums may be copied on these pirated CDs, which can be played on a
PC with the proper
software. The price of these pirated
CDs is very low: Rp.10,000 – 15,000. (The price of legal versions of those fifteen albums (
cassette tapes and
audio CDs) would be about Rp.300,000.)
[40] Through the medium of the
World Wide Web and as a free alternative to a
music store purchase, Indonesian popular music has circulated both within and outside of the nation's borders.
A second area of the popular music industry that has adapted significantly to the advent of digital technologies is the network of
recording studios in the archipelago. Based mostly (but not exclusively) in urban centers, Indonesia's
recording studios have increasingly diversified out of the template established by the country's two largest recording companies,
P.N. Lokananta (the national recording company of Indonesia) and
Hidup Baru. In contrast to the 1950s and 1960s, many
studios today are no longer owned solely by
producers. Increasingly, artists themselves decide to build home-based
studios furnished with up-to-date
digital equipment, usually imported from
Singapore.
[41] In particular, the rise of underground music (also called alternative music, or
musik alternatif) has given individuals armed with music production skills and the appropriate tools a forum through which their recordings may be disseminated. The preferred method of producing and distributing Indonesian underground music is defiantly localist, operating outside the channels of the commercial
music industry.
[42] For example, "underground"
cassettes are, as a rule, not found in mall stores, cassette stalls, or any other conventional retail outlet. It is, in fact, illegal to sell them, as the
Indonesian government does not collect any tax on the transaction.
[43] As a result,
music producers and the musicians they work with have since 2000 begun to open underground boutiques (
toko underground) in
Jakarta,
Bandung,
Surabaya,
Denpasar and other locales. These establishments are often owned and operated by veteran underground scene members and sometimes include rehearsal and
recording studios as well.
[44] Through an integration of the production and retail functions of popular music making, technology innovations in Indonesia increasingly occur in localized, underground settings, as they often have in other parts of the world. At the same time, new technologies have not overpowered popular music recording in Indonesia nor "Westernized" the musical life of the country. Rather, they have provided new possibilities for a range of
recording and production approaches.
[45]
Piracy
Pirating
audiocassettes and
VCDs is a thriving business in all large cities of Indonesia. For example, in the
Glodok business area in northern
Jakarta known as the city's "Chinatown," an estimated one million illegal copies of recordings are produced each day. Newspaper reports suggest that, in order to keep their financial losses under control, some
recording companies produce illegal copies themselves, right after launching their legal, registered and censored albums.
[46] With most legitimate Indonesian
cassettes costing over Rp.12,000 each, vendors of illegally copied versions priced at Rp.6,000 or less can attract many buyers. The quality of these pirated versions varies, but they are often not noticeably inferior to the originals.
[47] In addition to selling illegal copies of complete albums, pirated
cassette vendors sell unauthorized
compilations of current hit songs. These
compilations usually contain either
dangdut or pop songs, and they often combine songs released by different
record labels since they are not bound by
copyright restrictions. Thus, pirated hits
compilations are not only cheaper, but also more likely to contain all of the hit songs that are currently popular.
[48]
As efforts to curb piracy and illegal
file sharing have intensified worldwide, the Indonesian popular music industry has been compelled to face the legal and financial ramifications of these activities. For example, a legal initiative concerning royalty payments for the
kroncong song
Bengawan Solo, composed by the
Javanese songwriter
Gesang Martohartono in 1949 and well-known and recorded in a number of Asian countries, became a matter of national controversy in 1989–1990 and created an awareness of cultural property and heritage that had not been there before.
[49] Nevertheless, piracy continues to shape the dynamic of the Indonesian popular music industry, particularly with respect to the illegal sale of "bootleg" audiocassettes recordings by American and European artists re-taped in Asia and sold at roughly a quarter of their original price. Although sales of these items had virtually ended by 1997, at the beginning of 2002 piracy had increased again to previously unknown levels. According to Arnel Affandi, the general manager of the Association of Recording Industries in Indonesia (ASIRI) for 2002–2005, it was estimated by the United States Trade Representative that in 1997 only 12% of the CDs and audio cassettes sold in the archipelago were illegal copies. In February 2002, 5 out of 6 of the audio cassettes, CDs and VCDs produced were illegal copies. The
Office of the United States Trade Representative has placed Indonesia on the priority watch list for violating copyright laws, especially with respect to
VCDs.
[50]
| Table 3: Estimated figures of production numbers for the year 2001.[51] |
| Legal copies of Indonesian audiocassettes | 30- 35 million |
| Illegal copies of Indonesian audiocassettes | 200 million |
| Illegal copies of Indonesian VCDs (karaoke) | 120 million |
| Illegal copies of foreign audiocassettes | 50 million |
Class and status consciousness
As a
post-colonial society, modern Indonesia exhibits
xenocentrism--the belief that a foreign, usually Western culture is superior to one's own—in its consumption of recorded music.
[52] According to the widespread
xenocentric view of musical value in Indonesia, local musics, or "musics of the village," are considered
kampungan, repellently backward and low-class, while even higher status Indonesian pop cannot match to the greatness of international pop, and is forever subject to the accusation of simply imitating Western originals.
[53] In the same way that the record-buying community in Indonesia tends to prefer the popular culture of other countries over its own, contemporary Indonesians consider the concept of
gengsi (social status) to be purveyed through their musical tastes. Modern Indonesian music buyers adhere to the following hierarchy of
gengsi as it relates to popular music:
- Western popular music
- pop Indonesia (Western-style pop music sung in Indonesian)
- Dangdut
- Pop Daerah (regional [pop)
- Indie rock
As this hierarchy demonstrates, Indonesian popular music, no matter how Westernized, is considered of lesser status than "international" Anglo-American music.
[54] It also shows that independent rock, produced and recorded outside the commercial mainstream, is granted very low status, regardless of its quality and the artistic or cultural value it may hold. Moreover, because Indonesia is a country in which class differences are obvious, frequently acknowledged, and pervasive in social life, music industry workers tend to view the Indonesian popular music market not as an entity composed of an undifferentiated mass of consumers, but as a ladder of different
socioeconomic classes. The class-inflected hierarchy of
musical genres is reflected in the range of retail prices for different types of
cassette:
| Table 4: Legitimate (Non-Pirated) Indonesian Popular Music Cassette Prices by Genre, June 2000.[55] |
| Western pop | Rp.20,000 ($2.50) |
| Pop Indonesia | Rp.16,000 to Rp.18,000 ($2.00 to $2.25) |
| Dangdut | Rp.12,000 to Rp.14,000 ($1.50 to $1.75) |
| Regional pop (Pop Daerah) | Rp.10,000 to Rp.13,000 ($1.25 to $1.63) |
| Underground/Indie | Rp.10,000 to Rp.17,000 ($1.25 to $2.13) |
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- ^ Bart Barendregt and Wim van Zanten, "Popular Music in Indonesia Since 1998, in Particular Fusion, Indie and Islamic Music on Video Compact Discs and the Internet," Yearbook for Traditional Music 34 (2002): 99-100, JSTOR, Online (4 January 2008).
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